By expanding the numbers of young people, people of color, L.G.B.T.Q. folks and progressive whites who vote, progressives can take back the White House. The Democratic Party should mount a campaign with a bold set of propositions that excite progressives and not those voters for whom racial fears can be easily exploited.

This is the generation taking action on the climate crisis, living in the #MeToo era, happily and comfortably -----. This group is larger than the six million Obama 2012 to Trump 2016 voters, larger than Donald Trump's margin of victory in Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin.

And there is much more compelling evidence that we can motivate these young people to vote than in the party's ability to forecast the sentiment of white swing voters " who voted for America's first black president and then threw their weight behind the most racially divisive president in modern history.

Instead, the progressive political industry should invest in organizing and mobilizing young people of color. Grassroots groups and independent political organizations have already demonstrated the promise of this strategy.

I realize that dependence upon young people to show up and vote has been as much of a white unicorn as the elusive white working class voter, but based on all that we're seeing today I would be greatly surprised if 2020's wave isn't led by those whose memories of Presidents in their lifetimes begins and ends with W, Obama, and Trump. And we know which one of the 3 they hold in highest esteem.

Hate to call out my peers and contemporaries, but that is why I posted this story that it seems no one has bothered to actually read. It's not just about what these young voters might do, it's about what they're both doing and have already done. And it's also about the fact that vibrant, progressive politics will draw this crucial block to the polls, while milquetoast moderatism absolutely won't:

The Alliance for Youth Action works year-round to turn out the youth vote through organizing on-the-ground. In 2018, one of its affiliates, MOVE Texas, got at least 21,000 new young voters to the polls in a state that has some of the most restrictive voter registration laws in the country.

Despite the obstacles, the number of young Texans who voted tripled from the 2014 midterm election: Just 8 percent of Texas youth cast ballots in 2014, while 26 percent did in 2018.

Over the past 20 years, the best-performing Democratic candidates in statewide elections in Florida and Georgia have been Mr. Obama, Mr. Gillum and Ms. Abrams. (Hillary Clinton in 2016 was actually Florida's highest Democratic vote-getter ever.) This year, Ms. Abrams dramatically increased Democratic turnout, garnering more votes " 1.9 million " than any other Democrat running for any office in the history of Georgia (and that includes Jimmy Carter, Mr. Obama and Mrs. Clinton).

Doug Jones's victory in the Senate special election in Alabama and Beto O'Rourke's strong showing in his Senate race in Texas are also examples of the power of this electoral coalition and evidence that Ms. Abrams's theory might include more states than Georgia. Were it not for voter suppression, more of these elections would have been victories and their electoral model more readily embraced by the party infrastructure.

There is also national data that suggests the Democrats don't need this constant push toward more conservatism. The hyper-focus on Obama voters who defected to Mr. Trump in 2016 obscures the fact that more Obama voters stayed home or defected to the Green Party and Libertarian Party than switched to the Republican Party.